The Straits Times

Editorial

IS PRESIDENT Habibie fiddling while Indonesia burns? That is a very serious charge, and thankfully, largely unfair. But recent developments in the sprawling archipelago are worrying. The long, slow slide into anarchy has not been arrested by announcements of dates for a general election, or the installation of a new president. Outbreaks of violence remain virtually a daily occurrence. Larger-scale demonstrations are held every week or so. And if Muslim leader Abdurrahman Wahid is to be believed, there will be a major flare-up in the North Sulawesi Christian-dominated city of Manado soon. Meanwhile, what does the president do? He has refused calls by religious and political leaders to hold talks to reconcile disparate groups. He is considering banning Indonesian students from seeking pre-college education abroad, for reasons which must leave many puzzled.

To be sure, he has said that he will ignore street protests and push through political reforms at his own pace. The constitution, he says, is the way to solve the nation's problems, not dialogue, of which there has already been plenty in earlier months. And having set the dates for general and presidential elections, he can also claim, justifiably, to have met another of the popular demands pressed on him since he took office in May. He has even initiated proceedings to look into any ill-gotten wealth in the Suharto family. Son Tommy is now a "suspect", not a mere witness. That is all very well. Now the crux: Has Dr Habibie, by his actions, enhanced confidence in Indonesia, whether in domestic or international eyes?

The answer is painfully obvious: No. At the most generous, not much. And this is a shame, for the man, undoubtedly, is trying his level best to hold the nation together, despite having had nothing more than a flawed mandate to begin with. No one will deny that the German-trained engineer-turned- politician is caught between a rock and a hard place. Entrenched interests on various fronts -- the military, the old regime, and even his own -- go too deep to allow any speedy reform. An ideological blanket over political activity for more than 30 years has left political structures that are little more than hollow edifices. Yet, he must tackle these in substantive ways. Credibility is key when anarchy is the only other alternative. Appeals to the Constitution have a ring of legitimacy, but they can easily become a shroud for inaction. Ditto appeals to popular sentiment. Populism is a two-edged sword, fine in peacetime but a hindrance to decisive action when circumstances change. In Indonesia's case, setting election dates is a necessary first step, but what is done between now and then matters as much too. The process counts as much as the product; in fact, with the product itself almost inevitably bound to have detractors, the process may count for more. The election rules that are being drawn up are one aspect, but there are more: how the protests are handled, how the Suharto investigation is conducted, even how the economy is run.